[Alan_R_Lewine@SSRN.COM: CYBERSPACE-LAW #76: CDA 6]

"Robert J. Brown" (rj@ELI.WARIAT.ORG)
Thu, 20 Mar 1997 13:22:18 -0600


I subscribe to a legal issues in cyberspace mailing list.  This came
in from it today.

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Date:         Thu, 20 Mar 1997 11:59:16 -0500
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Sender: Legal Scholarship Network <CYBERSPACE-LAW@PUBLISHER.SSRN.COM>
From: Alan Lewine <Alan_R_Lewine@SSRN.COM>
Subject:      CYBERSPACE-LAW #76: CDA 6
To: CYBERSPACE-LAW@PUBLISHER.SSRN.COM

               CYBERSPACE LAW FOR NON-LAWYERS

             Topic: CONTENT REGULATION: THE CDA

              (Number 6 of 6 on the topic CDA)

                       E-Mail Number: 76

                  Date Posted: 19 March 1997

                   *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

     CONTENT REGULATION AND THE COMMUNICATIONS DECENCY ACT OF 1996

     MESSAGE 6 of 6:  The CDA:  We Report from the Supreme Court

     We thought we'd give you a flavor of the argument at the Supreme
     Court Wednesday, on the CDA.  Two of your three professors were
     there.  Here's a brief account -- and keep in mind: the Supreme
     Court does not allow visitors to take notes at the argument, so
     there may be some errors or omissions in what follows due to our
     faulty memories.

     The Government's Argument:

     Two lessons ago, we sketched for you what we believed was the
     government's strongest case.  This was the zoning argument -- that
     the CDA simply attempted to zone porn in cyberspace to a place
     where kids couldn't get access.  On Wednesday, however, the
     government apparently forgot that argument.  The case was argued
     not by the Solicitor General (Walter Dellinger), but by one of his
     primary deputies, Seth Waxman.

     Waxman gave the weakest argument imaginable.  He began with
     something about the threat that indecency presented on the
     Internet.  On this issue (for those who believe that this is the
     problem) he was ok.  The Internet threatens, he argued, to make
     ineffective all the real space regulation of indecency, because in
     cyberspace, as it is just now, any kid can get access to an
     unlimited amount of pornography.

     But then, rather than shifting into the zoning argument,
     mysteriously, Waxman began to talk about the weakest part of his
     case:  the definition of indecency.  His claim was essentially
     this:  That it would be only a minor burden for publishers to
     screen out indecency.

     That was ok as far as it went, but Waxman gave as his first real
     space example the example of a library.  The Carnegie Library.  In
     the court below, the Carnegie Library said that they were concerned
     because they wanted to put their catalog on the Web.  But parts of
     their catalog might be considered indecent, and hence the library
     would face the threat of punishment unless it could find a way to
     exclude the indecent material from the online catalog.

     Bizarrely, Waxman offered this to the Justices, as an example of
     how the burden of the CDA would not be too great.  Said Waxman: it
     wouldn't take a very sophisticated software program to find the
     indecent card catalog entries, and exclude them.  That may be
     right, but it set an extremely weird tone for the rest of the
     argument.  In fact, we don't ordinarily think about libraries
     segregating material based on whether the material is indecent.
     And this first weird example seemed to procreate and simply inspire
     more weird examples.

     Justice Breyer asked whether Congress could declare indecent
     telephone conversations between high school students criminal.
     Imagine, Breyer said, high school students discussing their sexual
     exploits.  ("This has been known to happen," Breyer joked.)  Could
     Congress make that speech criminal?  Waxman didn't have a clear
     answer.  That resulted in the Justices proposing even more extreme
     examples for the government attorney's consideration:  What if a
     parent made indecent material available to his or her child?
     Would that be a criminal offense?  Again, Waxman had no clear
     answer.  Sometimes that would be child abuse, Waxman said, but if
     the Court didn't think Congress could regulate such speech, then
     it could narrow the statute (that is, the Court could read it in
     a narrow way) so it would not cover cases such as this.

     In the end, Waxman's mistake was to make the statute seem like a
     kind of regulation we haven't seen before.  The Justices were
     already unsure about just what the Internet is.  Waxman made them
     even more unsure about the legitimacy of regulating it, given how
     weird and different this regulation seemed.  Rather than make the
     Justices feel that this was just real space regulation applied in
     cyberspace, he made the Justices feel that this was a kind of
     invasiveness and censorship that real space regulation has never
     seen.  He failed, in our minds, to make the case for the CDA
     plausible, let alone convincing.  And we doubt whether more than
     three justices accepted his argument.

     The Plaintiffs' Argument:

     Bruce Ennis argued the case for the plaintiffs (the ACLU, the
     American Library Association, and the other organizations and
     individuals who had challenged the constitutionality of the CDA).
     He first responded to the government's argument that information
     providers can simply implement "adult verification" devices so as
     to comply with the statute.  Ennis pointed out that while that might
     be true for some (though not all) *Web sites*, the Web is only a small
     part of "cyberspace."

     Newsgroups, chat rooms, listservers and the like, Ennis argued, are
     where most of the conversation on the Internet actually takes place,
     and in those forums it is simply impossible for anyone to know
     whether he or she is "making available" indecent information to
     someone under the age of 18.  As a result, the only way to comply
     with the statute in those contexts is to refrain entirely from
     communicating about "indecent" subjects.   But that, of course, sweeps
     too broadly -- adults have a constitutionally protected right to such
communication, and the statute would thus "chill" protected speech.
     It was an effective rebuttal to a significant portion of the
     government's presentation.

     [During this colloquy, Justice Scalia asked a question to the
     effect:  "Why can't we just channel all communication on the Internet
     onto the World Wide Web?"  One can never be sure that Justice Scalia
     is not just playing devil's advocate when he asks outrageous questions
     like this, but we noticed that several of America Online's lawyers
     visibly blanched at the suggestion that they simply fold up their
     tent and go away!]

     And even for the Web, Ennis argued that adult verification schemes
     are "prohibitively expensive."  There was some skepticism on the
     part of some Justices (especially Scalia and Rehnquist) about this,
     but Ennis vigorously pressed the points that (a) for many Web sites
     (e.g., those hosted by commercial online service providers like
     America Online or Compuserve) the verification schemes relying on
     the use of CGI scripts cannot now be utilized, and (b) that other Web
     sites being used for non-commercial purposes would find such schemes
     financially burdensome in the extreme.

     Ennis also spent some time following up some of the hypotheticals
     that the Justices had been developing during the government's
     presentation.  In particular, he pointed out that not only, as
     Justice Breyer had suggested, would a parent be *criminally*
     liable under the CDA if the parent were viewing "indecent"
     material with his or her 17 year old child looking on, but also
     that an e-mail from parent to child discussing, say, safe sex
     techniques might similarly subject the parent to criminal
     prosecution.

     Ennis also tried -- somewhat less successfully, we think -- to
     suggest that the statute would simply be ineffective at
     controlling the exposure of minors to indecent material, because
     of the large amount of material available on the Internet from
     foreign sources.  Again, Justices Rehnquist and Scalia found this
     unpersuasive -- so we can only shut down 50% of the dirty
     bookstores, Scalia asked, does that make the statute
     unconstitutional?

     Finally, Ennis returned to the major theme developed in the briefs:
     that there are "less restrictive alternatives" to accomplishing the
     government's goals here than by implementing the CDA, namely the
     parental control filters that already are in place on the major
     online services or those available from such providers as SurfWatch,
     Net Nanny, and the like.  What, one of the Justices asked, about
     children who might not be supervised by parents at all?  Doesn't the
     statute help to protect those children from this material in a way
     that no other form of protection can?  Perhaps, Ennis conceded -- but
     the cost to society is simply too high to permit the government to
     proceed in this manner.

                     *************************

     So there it is.   In our view, the Justices appeared to be
     sympathetic to the plaintiffs' arguments attacking the CDA, with
     perhaps 2 or 3 exceptions -- but handicapping the Supreme Court from the
     conduct of the Justices at oral argument is a notoriously difficult task
     (as is said regarding the weather in many places -- "only fools and
     newcomers try to predict"), and we'll all just have to wait until the
     opinion is released (some time before the July Court recess) to see
     where they really stand.

     So, our final view on the CDA is this:  the government had two very
     difficult hurdles to overcome.  It had to show that the statute could be
     narrowed to properly regulated speech.  And it had to show that the
     burden of its zoning provisions for that properly regulated speech were
     not too severe.  As we have explained, if it had done the first, at
     least one of us believes it could have done the second.  But none of us
     believe the government came close to doing the first.  We all believe
     the statute is, and will be, held to be unconstitutional.


             * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
                              authors:

             Larry Lessig    David Post    Eugene Volokh

             * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *


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